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Keywords Sappho – Euripides – Troades – Andromache – First Stasimon 1 La fonction dramatique du premier stasimon des Troyennes d'Euripide. CGITA 4 . 1 I take it for more than likely that Euripides knew a text of Aeschylus' play. .. comme procédé dramaturgique dans 'Hécube' et 'Les Troyennes' d'Euripide, PhD . Pour plus de détails, voir Fiche technique et Distribution. Les Troyennes (The Trojan Women) Adaptation de la tragédie d'Euripide Les Troyennes sous les traits Créer un livre · Télécharger comme PDF · Version imprimable.
Taplin, Homeric Soundings. Against Neaira Demosthenes Edited and Translated by C. Edited by R. The Malice of Herodotus de Malignitate Herodoti. Translated with an Introduction and Commentary by A. Calder - D. With Introduction and Commentary by J. Russel, The Place of poetry in Ancient Literature.
The Trojan Women (Greek Tragedy in New Translations)
Traduction nouvelle, introduction, notices de B. Piettre et de R.
Piettre Le livre de Poche, Woodard, On Interpretation Morphological Change. Archaic Greek Poetry. Selected and Translated by B. Pliny the Younger. Correspondance with Trajan from Bithynia Epistles X. Translated, with an Introduction and Commentary by W. Thebaid XI. Edited with an English Translation and Commentary by M. Book XI. Edited by K. Edited by J. His psychological, doxographical and scientific Writings. Edited by W.
Fortenbauch and D. Goldhill, Aeschylus. Lasserre, Sappho. Une autre lecture. Sullivan, Psychological Activity in Homer.
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Sicking and J. Kahane, The interpretation of Order. Translated and Edited by D. Selected Essays and Dialogues. A New Translation by D. Four Dialogues. De Vita Beata. De tranquillitate animi. De Sapientis. Ad Helviam matrem de consolatione. Edited by C. Freudenburg, The Walking Muse.
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The initial siege did not yield the desired result, so the Athenians sent reinforcements, and the Melians, after a certain amount of treachery in their midst, surrendered to the Athenians to be dealt with as they wished. Thucydides 5. Proposed by A.
It should be said that this decoupling of Melos from Trojan Women has been welcomed as a way to defang the play politically. Instead, he suggests, the play should be understood in the Greek poetic tradition that emphasized the instability of fortune and the fallibility of human understanding. Trojan Women, then, is a philosophical and religious document, but hardly a political one.
But there is no reason to suppose that we must choose one reading or the other.
Trojan Women presents a particularly intense account of human suffering and uncertainty, but one that is also rooted in considerations of power and policy, morality and expedience.
Their analogues in our own day lie all too close at hand. Kovacs above, n. One of them, however, is addressed to Heracles, and the only myth known to connect Sisyphus and Heracles is the story of the horses of Diomedes that Heracles brought to Eurystheus as one of his famous labors. These horses were then stolen by Sisyphus, who gave them to his son Glaucus, whom they then devoured.
A satyr play could be made from some part of this story, but there are other possibilities in which Heracles might play a role.
One with greater relevance to the Trojan tragedies is the tale of Sisyphus seducing Anticleia and becoming the real father of Odysseus. Discussion of Sisyphus is complicated by the existence of a well-known and remarkable fragment of forty-two lines that has every earmark of coming from a satyr play.
The fragment gives a narrative of the rise of human culture that culminates with a wise man inventing the gods to instill fear in evildoers and keep human behavior within the bounds of law. Our main source for this fragment, the skeptical philosopher Sextus Empiricus, attributes it to Critias, an aristocratic Athenian contemporary of Euripides, who wrote poems and dramas and became a leader of the Thirty Tyrants at the end of the Peloponnesian War.
Two other writers, however, quote parts of the fragment and attribute them to Euripides; one of them, Aetius, says Sisyphus is the speaker, a view shared by some modern scholars.
The style of the passage makes Euripidean authorship problematic, but not impossible. In the case of Alexander, a papyrus from the Egyptian town of Oxyrhynchus from the second century of our era gives us a fragmentary plot summary of the play. Alexander was rescued by a herdsman and given the name Paris, the name by which we have come to know him. All this was presumably recounted, perhaps by Aphrodite, in the prologue.
Twenty years later, Paris is brought to Troy by fellow herdsmen and arraigned before Priam because of the arrogant way he treats them—an indication, as it later turns out, that he is not one of them. Stobaeus preserves parts of what seems to be a debate between Deiphobus and Paris. Deiphobus plots with Hecuba to kill the upstart the papyrus preserves a bit of this , although Cassandra, in a frenzied state, recognizes him for who he is and prophesies the destruction of Troy.
She is of course given no credence. Two lines preserved by Stobaeus show that Paris learns of the danger to his life. She has found the lost son she had mourned for so long, and paradoxically, in failing to kill him now, she destroys her city. Present joy plays out against the foreboding of disaster to come. Text and translation of the fragments, along with judicious commentary and further bibliography, are available in C.
Collard, M. Cropp, and G.
Gibert, eds. Palamedes is a man known for his intelligence in one of the surviving fragments, he claims to be the inventor of writing, a skill that will play a crucial role in the plot , and for this and other reasons he wins the jealousy and enmity of Odysseus and other Greek commanders, including Agamemnon, whom Palamedes may have personally insulted. Palamedes is sentenced to be stoned to death. The message does reach Nauplius, and he apparently arrives at the end of the play to threaten revenge.
Clearly, aspects of these plays bear upon Trojan Women. The Odysseus whom Hecuba rages so vehemently against in Trojan Women has shown himself to be a villainous liar in See Plato Republic d.
See F. Dunn points out that no other dramatic trilogy or single epic poem encompasses the beginning, middle, and end of the Troy story. Given that this grouping of such closely connected plays is unique in Euripides, one would very much like to know what the connections signify.
Greek Authors : Poetry
It seems unlikely, however, that the lost plays contained a comforting answer to the suffering of the defeated Trojan women in our play. It is certain that Alexander shows the beginnings of a sequence of events that Trojan Women will complete, but only in the sense that Alexander set something in motion that cannot be called back. The events of this play do not explain or justify the results that will somehow issue from them, nor are they said to do so in Trojan Women.
Palamedes contrasts the ways in which human ingenuity can be used to creative and destructive ends and shows how the self-serving side of our nature can push us to abandon all decency. Although Trojan Women continues to be performed regularly and to make its impact felt on audiences worldwide, until quite recently its critical reputation did not match its success on stage.
For much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the view of the famous German critic A. Schlegel carried great weight. Particularly in the twentieth century, there seems to have John Black London, , —7. Grene and R.
Lattimore, eds. Actors stand around and argue, choruses rehearse the mythic background, prayers and laments resound. Our evidence for the Greek tragedy is largely in the form of scripts to which modern editors must add even the most rudimentary stage directions. Happily, however, these scripts contain most of the information we need to make reasonable conjectures Hall and F.
There is information on several of these productions in M. Poetics 62a Poetics 50b17— Spectators will surely be expecting her to speak, but instead, she collapses, buries her head in her arms, and remains motionless. Only after a brief pause, then, does Poseidon enter to announce that he is abandoning the city he had protected until its fall.
Poetics 55a For Aristotle, this seems to mean above all the proper guiding of the stage action by visualizing the whereabouts of characters both on and off stage. For us, it can imply attention to everything that is done on stage and in the orchestra, the drama in its most literal sense. Eadie, eds.
Else Ann Arbor, , 79— If this discussion of Trojan Women focuses in large part on Hecuba, it is because from the moment the gods leave the scene until the very end of the play, Hecuba remains at the center of the action, singing, chanting, and speaking nearly a fourth of the lines, never out of our sight.
Gesture and movement play a crucial role here, reinforcing the affective power of the language. But she will rise again to receive the successive blows that rain down upon herself, her family, her ruined city.
Only at the end of the play, when she is being led into captivity, does she break free at last and try to rush into burning Troy.
Her words are couched in an anapestic rhythm that allows itself to modulate from spoken or chanted verse to a fully lyric form accompanied, as Hecuba rises, by the plangent tones of the aulos, an ancient oboe-like double-reed instrument. There is a touching contrast between the divine prologue, spoken in the standard iambic verse of tragic dialogue, and this passionate, painfully human lament.
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Hecuba combines a bitter acknowledgment of loss with the grudging recognition that mourning itself provides some relief in the midst of sorrow: this long lament, These tears, the only music Left for the wretched, singing the song Of troubles no one dances to. The emotional involvement of these women with the action on stage is immediately established by their anxious questions about their own futures, expressed in the same anapestic rhythms Hecuba has been using.
In the course of this lyric dialogue kommos , the Chorus move from bewailing their misfortune to imagining a future as slaves of the victors—where will they go, what will their lives be like? Rather, moving as Hecuba had before from chanted to lyric anapests, they speculate about where their new masters will take them—let it be Athens, not Sparta, or at least Thessaly, or beautiful Sicily.
In the music and movement that enact human solidarity, in the consolations of ritual lament, a resurgence of life force manifests itself, ready to meet what the future holds. Hecuba has been allotted to the treacherous and hateful Odysseus.
This scene provides an excellent example of the effects possible in a kommos where one participant speaks in iambics and the other responds in highly charged outbursts of lyric. What Achaean, what Greek? Furthermore, Hecuba—and, as we shall see, her daughter-in-law Andromache—respond not simply as royals fallen from their former high estate, but also as ordinary women caught up in extraordinary circumstances, as wives and mothers bereft of their loved ones, expressing the sense of bereavement, the anguish, and even the hopes that are the normal human response to such extremity.
He thinks that they have chosen to burn themselves alive; no, says Hecuba, that is not a blaze, it is my frenzied child Cassandra running toward us. Fittingly, music and movement upstage iambic speech altogether. Even after Talthybius instructs Cassandra to follow him to the ships, she stands fast and delivers a second prophetic message, describing in some detail the sufferings of the Greeks on their homeward voyage.
And yet she gathers the strength to tell her story, if only for the satisfaction of rousing fresh pity in her listeners. This iambic speech is the pendant to her lyrical lament in the prologue, and it is the only other opportunity for an extended account of her own story—the good fortune that once was hers, the horrors she has witnessed, and the future she fears—rather than a response to the sorrows of her kin. At some point in this speech clearly she rises, reanimated by passionate engagement in what she recounts.
This sensuous evocation serves, however, as a bitter reproach to Zeus, whom the Chorus sees as having abandoned their city. She is bound for the ship of her new master, Neoptolemus.
The grand entrance of Agamemnon in his royal chariot in the Agamemnon is the obvious model for this scene.
The outward contrast could hardly be greater; the victorious generalissimo with spoils of war in tow, including Cassandra, makes a triumphal return. And yet of course he is heading, all unknowing, to his ignominious doom. For Andromache, too, a further and unexpected reversal is in store. The episode begins, unusually, with a kommos, a lyric duet between Andromache and Hecuba whose main formal feature is a large number of split verses, as if a regular pattern of line exchange was inadequate for the emotions of the grieving women.
Accept your new master, she says, and your lot, so that you can bring up my grandson. Hardly are these words out, however, when Talthybius reappears and haltingly brings himself to announce that the Greeks have decided to kill the boy—so much for the one remaining hope for Troy!
Shame and sympathy are both manifest in the hesitancy with which Talthybius makes the announcement in slow, painful stages and in the advice he gives.
He advises her not to do anything that would make the army angry, lest they refuse even burial to her dead child. For this technique, see note on The contrast of naked force and human compassion could hardly be more explicit.
At this point it is perhaps worth stopping for a moment to observe how variegated a picture Euripides presents of the three women whose struggles and sufferings we have been following. All are caught up in a single, terrible doom, but each of them is so fully personalized and differentiated that rather than becoming numbed by the succession of sorrows, we come to feel for each woman as an individual.
All of them have known wealth and privilege, and all are now in positions of seemingly absolute weakness; each is strong in her own particular way. Cassandra derives her strength from her role as virgin priest and prophet, able to turn her forced concubinage with Agamemnon into a sacral celebration because she knows that it will give her vengeance for the sacrilege done to her and the destruction wrought upon her city, her family, and her people.
She is the fallen queen, of course, who not surprisingly laments all she has lost, but the secret of her strength appears to be the more ordinary emotions of a mother and grandmother, the fact that that she never loses sight of the loved ones who are left, never ceases to want the future to mitigate their sorrow.Of course, my situation differed from the situation facing the Red Sox in that from the outset I knew I was going to lose. Rodighiero, A. Zagagi, The comedy of Menander.
See in particular Odyssey 4. Happily, however, these scripts contain most of the information we need to make reasonable conjectures The Ancient Greek Hero in 24 Hours. Craik, E.